Introduction

Let’s begin by unpacking current realities that make it necessary for us to remember Bantu Stephen Biko by emphasising his vision of implanting organic intellectual work and revolutionary activism in community.  The first reality is that of concerted efforts to portray Biko as a lone thinker and advocate of social justice to downplay the fact that Biko and his comrades developed the philosophy of Black Consciousness (BC) within an organizational setting and articulated Black Consciousness through a variety of organizational platforms and practices.  Besides, Biko and his comrades drew from perspectives and experiences of a variety of critical, radical, and anti-imperialist (and decolonial) intellectual and ideopolitical traditions and a host of thinkers and freedom fighters whose work were produced in the context of struggle, most of whom themselves actively supported or participated in specific liberation movements.[1]

As university students, Biko and the men and women with whom he developed and practices Black Consciousness joined the students’ organization, National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) not as passive observers but as critical participants who were able to interrogate the link between theory and practice in the organizational culture of this organization and like-minded organizations. When they discovered the disconnect between the professed democratic philosophy of this organization and its social practice, they delinked and established the South African Students Organization (SASO), National Youth Organization, Black Peoples Convention (BPC), the Black Community Programmes (BCP) and a plethora of associations and projects through which they articulated the philosophy of Black Consciousness. The essays and speeches of Biko which were posthumously collected into the classic book, “I Write What I Like”, were written in execution of organizational task either as a columnist in the SASO Newsletter or as a speaker at various platforms, speaking in his capacity as a member and leader of the movement.

  Biko was a man of organization, who understood the necessity of organization as an instrument to build consciousness, unity, solidarity, and collective action.  Biko comprehended the inextricable link between organizational efforts and the spontaneous actions and daily struggles of the people.  For instance, when asked about the readiness of Black people to live in a democratic society, Biko replied that it is the duty of the revolutionary vanguard party to conscientize and orientate people to learn to live in a democratic and socialist society. Furthermore, when Biko was asked to provide a practical manifestation of Black Consciousness, he pointed to the national students’ uprising of 1976 of which epicentre was Soweto as the example of Black Consciousness in action. In this way, Biko was able to see and articulate the link between organised political work and mass action in the form of various forms of protest and resistance.  In other words, Biko had a keen understanding of what Rosa Luxembourg would call the dialectics of organization and spontaneity as much as he understood the dialectics of reform and revolution.[2] This is a subject on its own. For now, it’s enough to debunk the myth of Biko as an intellectual lone ranger, activist for social justice.

The second reality that we must contend with, and challenge is that of the rise of anti-intellectualism and what for a lack of word can be described as aristocratic, bookish, and bordered intellectualism. By anti-intellectualism we refer to the tendency to disdain, deride, dismiss, and demonise independent critical intellectual work and the proclivity to romanticise and normalize mimicry, conformism, formalism and instrumentalism and the glorification of circumstantial, anecdotal logic. Hofstander (1963) describes anti-intellectualism as “resentment and suspicion of the life of the mind and of those who are considered to represent it, and a disposition constantly to minimise the value of life” (Said, 1994).

From this premise, Hofstander (1963) delineates three complementary types of anti-intellectualism: (1) anti-rationalism – the denial of the value of critical thinking, (2) unreflective (3) instrumentalism – disdain for the ideas that do not provide immediate practical value, and populist anti-elitism – resentment, hostility, and mistrust of field-specialists and subject-matter experts, and the assertion that common sense, personal experience and intuition can and must replace expertise (Rigney, 1991, Said, 1994)

By aristocratic, bookish, and bordered intellectualism we mean the tendency to portray intellectual work as the preserved and exclusive domain of a minute group of intelligentsias; highbrows, literati, and ideologues who operate within the deified   precincts of academia, officialdom, and institutionalised politics.[3]  Aristocratic intellectualism is linked to idea of intellectuals as “a tiny band of morally endowed philosopher-kings who constitute the moral conscience of humankind” (Bende, ).  Thus, aristocratic intellectualism is anchored on a distrust and disdain of the so-called ‘mass society’ or “the common people’.  Additionally, aristocratic intellectualism is accompanied by the ‘rubbishing’ of forms of knowledge, ways of knowledge generation and dissemination, and forms of learning and teaching that do not fit neatly within established orthodoxies, dogmas, canon, hierarchies, and bureaucracies or that operated outside the gated and bordered mainstream pedagogy.   

 Accordingly, aristocratic intellectualism portrays the people as enemies of intellectual work instead of exposing the real enemies of knowledge, truth, and justice as the coterie of insiders and experts who construct public opinion towards conformism and instil in people an unquestioning reliance on the so-called superior logic of the men and women in power (Said, 1994)-the social, political, and corporate elite, including the elites within civic, social, labour, and political parties.

The third reality that we content with today is that of paternalistic and gated activism.  By this we mean the attitude and behaviour that suggests that activism is the reserved domain of a special crop of human beings who have the unique and rare qualities to advocate and act for change on behalf of the rest of society.  In other words, paternalistic and gated activism is the tendency by people who perceive themselves as the experts, technicians, operators, and consultants of change to be both gatekeepers of the communities that they have turned into their patients and pets and to constitute themselves into a gated community of conference activists or professional activists.

Paternalistic activism is when activists view themselves as the sole experts or saviours of social change, treating the communities they aim to help as passive recipients rather than active participants. Gated activism refers to a self-selective group of activists who see their role as exclusive and specialized, forming a closed community of “professional” change-makers, often limiting access and influence on those outside their circle. Both concepts imply a hierarchy where the “activists” are seen as the only qualified agents for change, sidelining broader community involvement even as they posture as enhancing community agency.  A typical example is that of how some academic activists and NGO activists turn members and leaders of certain civil society organizations into their own clones, using them as either pet subjects or Guinea pigs to prove their own theories or parrots who regurgitate tailor-made theories and practices.  Biko and his comrades in the BCM show us that the most revolutionary response to anti-intellectualism, aristocratic intellectualism and paternalistic \ gated activism is to embed organic intellectual work and revolutionary activism within the oppressed community.

Organic Intellectual Work

If intellectualism refers to the appeal to and the application of intellect to make sense of and respond to realities and ideas, all people are intellectuals. This is because in varying ways, everybody appeals to intellect to moralise and justify their beliefs and actions, and to justify their acceptance or rejection of dominant or alternative ideas and practices. Consciously or unconsciously, intentionally, and unintentionally, the ideas that people express in words and deeds endorse or challenge specific cultural, social, political, and economic agendas and interests.

 Nevertheless, not everyone purposefully uses their intellect to interpret, and articulate reality to advance a specific agenda nor are people all the time aware that their pronouncements and behaviours in every sphere and facet of life are part and parcel of the forces that either entrench or subvert prevailing cultural, social, political, and economic structures and practices.  As Frank Furedi asserts, it is not the job, career and discipline that defines intellectuals but individuals’ actions, self-perspicacity, values and contributions beyond the confines of the disciplines and fields they are in (Furedi.2004).

We are in agreement with Furedi (2004) in his attack of the current situation in which genuine intellectuals have been replaced by pundits and spin doctors. This highlights the fact that now, more than ever before, there is a greater need for intellectuals who contribute to culture and the pursuit of social, political, economic, gender and environmental justice. It is for this reason that we are also persuaded by Edward Said’s perspective of intellectuals as individuals whose function is to represent and articulate a message or vision to the public (Said, 1994).  We are also with Said (1994) in his assertion that to speak truth to power, intellectuals must maintain a critical distance from the establishment and become allegorical exiles and outsiders who cannot be copted by governments and corporations. Likewise, we are in agreement with Noam Chomsky that to fulfill the task of exposing lies and speaking truth, intellectuals have the responsibility to analyse and critique the actions and ideologies of those in power and to use their position of privilege to challenge and reveal truth behind political and social issues (Chomsky, 1967).

Gramsci (1971) divides those who in an active, organised, and systematic way function as intellectuals in society, into traditional intellectuals and organic intellectuals. According to Gramsci (1971) traditional intellectuals exercise their role within the framework of institutional and formal structures. Therefore, traditional intellectuals do and say the same thing repeatedly as per a set formulae, syllabus, canon, script, and protocol. The example of traditional intellectuals are teachers, preachers, and administrators. On the other hand, organic intellectuals are those whose intellectual work is an instrument of constructing civic or public culture (attitudes and behaviours) and consent in favour of the interest of a specific class. (Boggs,1976, Burke, 1999). This description applies to specialists, experts, and consultants whose major task is to change minds and expands markerts (i.e to get the people’s buy-in or consent).  So, in this paper, organic intellectuals of the working and underclasses are understood to be those whose intellectual work is every sphere of life or social arena operate in ways that advance the interest of the working and under classes, challenge class, racial and gender hierarchies, undue privileges and challenge the structures of all forms of oppression and injustice. 

The approach that Biko and his comrades took to embedding organic intellectual work in society was that of linking the role of intellectuals to mass participation.   In interview with Bernard Zylstra in July 1977, Biko asserts that SASO “stressed Black Consciousness and the relations of intellectuals with the needs of the Black community.” (Woods.1978:118). He explained that the formation of the Black People’s Convention was a result of the realization that – though Black Consciousness had gained momentum – “we were still faced with the practical issue that people who were speaking were mainly students or graduates.  There was no broad debate. For this reason, we had to move from SASO to the organization of the Black People’s Convention so that the masses could get involved in the development of a new consciousness”. [Woods. 1978:118].

Commenting on the successes of the philosophy of Black Consciousness in heightening the revolutionary consciousness that influenced the national students’ uprising of 16, June 1976, Biko declared “the power of a movement lies in the fact that it can indeed change the habits of a people. The change is not the result of force but dedication, of moral persuasion”. [Woods. 1978:118].

Bofelo (2013) observes that SASO\BPC used commemorative events and a variety of educational, awareness and self-help community development projects ranging from health clinics, literacy programmes, and poetry groups to cooperatives to conscientize and enable black students and graduates to establish an organic relationship with the grassroots communities and relate their education and professions to their experiential reality.  Biko clearly explained the purpose of these intervention in his testimony at the SASO\BPC trial:

Compassion Day was meant for remembrance of specific situations of affliction that the Black man was subjected to from time to time, things like starvation in places like Dimbaza, things like floods in Port Elizabeth…. The main idea of compassion day was to get students to develop a social conscience, to see themselves as a part the communities, and direct their energies to solving problems of the nature we were thinking about on compassion day.” [Woods.1978:160-161].

 Bofelo (2013) further asserts that the BCM’s recognition of the relationship between theory and practice; education and experiential reality, knowledge, and social reality, informed the conceptualization, design and implementation of the programmes of the Black Community Programmes.  For instance, in preparation of the literacy program drawn by SASO, Biko, Jerry Modisane and Barney Pityana conducted research in which they listened to women in queues waiting to see a doctor or nurse at a clinic -some carrying babies on their backs, to people in shebeens and to people in buses and trains.  In his account of their observations and experiences while conducting the research, Biko remarks that in all these situations, there was a constant occurrence of “protest talk” about the general conditions of oppression and exploitation such as the de-humanizing and denigrating impact of the migratory labour and single hostels system, exploitative labour practices and unsafe and unhealthy working and living conditions.

Biko outlined that their aim and purpose with the research was to familiarize themselves with the generic terms that the people in the target area were familiar with and to get in touch with the people’s day to day experiences, concerns and issues and their perception and conception of these issues:

this particular method we were using placed a lot of emphasis on syllabic teaching of people. You did not just teach people the alphabet in isolation, you had to teach them syllables, and you had to start with words that had a particular meaning to them, what we called generative terms. Now the preamble to it was some kind of research in the specific area in which you were going to work, which carried you to several segments of the community, to places where the community congregated and talked freely.

 Your role there was particularly passive. You were just there to listen to the things they were talking about, and also to the words that were being used. We also used pictures to depict the themes they were talking about.” (Woods. A.1978:172)

Bofelo (2013) states that Biko’s exposition of the pedagogy of the BCM reflect that the BCM perceived literacy as not merely being lettered and numerate or being able to read and write alphabets and count numbers but also as the ability to read one’s world \ environment and (re)write one’s reality\ history… being socio-politically literate and culturally aware. Literacy and education were perceived as tools that capacitate a person to grapple with natural and social phenomena critically and constructively and to actively interact and engage with his\ her natural and social surroundings. Therefore, Bofelo (2013) argues that the literacy programmes, political education programmes -mass rallies and political workshops or initiation schools in SASO\BPC par lance- and the self-help cooperatives and political campaigns were part of a single and integrated strategy to move the Black Person from social experience to consciousness to social action to the changing of social experience (Bofelo, 2013).

Biko’s Revolutionary Activism v\s Liberal Activism

In his testimony about the Black Consciousness Movement during the SASO/Black People’s Convention trial in 1976, Biko outlined the three-pronged approach of

BCP”

First, we engage in the form of direct community development projects which are in the form of clinics, churches and so on. And then we engage in what we call home industries – these are economic projects, in rural areas mainly, sometimes in urban areas as well … And the main purpose here is to give employment to people, and offer some technical training in that particular skill … And thirdly we do leadership-training courses.

The BCP initiatives, including research and publications (i.e  Black Review, Black Viewpoint, Black Perspective , Handbook of Black Organization ) , health centres ( Zanemipilo Health Community Health Centre at Zinyoka in Eastern Cape, and Solempilo near Adams Mission in Durban), a factory (i.e Njwaxa Leatherwork Factory  at Njwaxa Village), a trust fund (i.e Zimele Trust Fund ) ,  and cultural and educational programs  were aimed at  producing the conditions for Black people to be self-reliant, politically conscious, and to be the agents of their development and liberation (Amner, 2021)

 Biko and his comrades did not see themselves as activists in the sense of specialist of social action and social change but rather as agitators and facilitators who work to awaken in people the awareness of their potential and capacity to individually and collectively engage in activities that rollback the structures of exploitation, marginalization, powerlessness, cultural imperialism, and structural violence.  Biko and his comrades did not subscribe to a binary between actions aimed at achieving immediate gains and benefits for the oppressed people and actions aimed at the overhaul of the socio-economic and political system but saw the former as a platform to raise people’s confidence in their ability to challenge dominant ways of doing thing and in their capacity to construct alternatives.

Biko and his comrades did not see a strict separation between actions for immediate gains and those for systemic overhaul but rather saw immediate actions as steps to build confidence and awareness for broader change. This resonates with the argument of Rosa Luxembourg that reforms and revolution are interconnected in that reforms are necessary to improve conditions and build the working class’s capacity for revolutionary change and that immediate gains as integral to the larger revolutionary process.

 Biko and his comrades understood too well that the gains attained through alternative, organic, grassroots-based socioeconomic development interventions and through forcing concessions from the corporates and the state will ultimately heighten people’s awareness of the fact that change within the confines of the prevailing system is inadequate.  They emphasized the importance of empowering the oppressed to recognize and act on their potential, blending immediate actions with long-term revolutionary goals, and balancing spontaneous actions with organized efforts to achieve systemic change.

The activism of Biko and his comrades cannot be located within liberal activism which merely seeks to achieve change within the existing socio-political system through gradual reforms and policy changes, confines itself to legal and political processes, such as lobbying, voting, and advocacy for legislative reforms, and subscribes to the view that the system can be improved incrementally to address injustices and inequalities.  Conversely, the BCM’s approach aligns more closely with radical or revolutionary activism in that their revolutionary activism is directed at dismantling the structures of exploitation, marginalization, cultural imperialism, and structural violence and to create a new socio-political order where Black people could be self-reliant and politically conscious.

 The social, political, cultural, and economic intervention of the BCM indicates an emphasizes grassroots mobilization, the importance of community-driven change, and the significance of direct action and self-organized initiatives to challenge and change oppressive systems. Biko unambiguously declared that Blacks are not out to reform the system but are out to completely transform the system and to make of it what they wish.  This statement amounts to a critique of the limitations of incremental reforms and advocacy for more profound, systemic changes. It captures Biko’s radical stance on the need for a comprehensive transformation of the socio-political system rather than mere reforms and captures Black Consciousness Movement’s commitment to fundamental change and the empowerment of Black people to shape their own destiny. Essentially, Biko and the BCM’s approach reflects the principles of radical or revolutionary activism by aiming for deep, systemic change through grassroots organizing, direct action, and fostering self-reliance and political consciousness among Black people.

Conclusion

The starting point of reclaiming Biko’s vision of embedding organic intellectual work and revolutionary activism in society should be locating social, political, cultural, economic, gender and climate activism within the daily lives and struggles of the people. Among others, this should take the form of identifying and linking up with existing social platforms and structures in the communities, tapping into, reaffirming, amplifying and strengthening the various informal, non-formal and organised ways in which people attempt to navigate their way around power structures and to extricate themselves from the jackboots of the various forms of repression and marginalization.  This requires a return to the organizing praxis of the BCM which is entailed in what is not in BC circles as the 4’s: Contact\ Conscientize, Consolidate and Confront and a return to the basics of the approach to revolutionary praxis of the BCM: Organize and Mobilize, Resist, Defend and Advance.

Elsewhere we have summarised the application of the 4C’s as follows:

In the consultation level your role is to establish contact with all sectors of society, establishing relationships and links with all circles, associations, networks, and collectives available in your community – formal, informal, and non-formal groupings, and with existing leadership within the community. Your task is to listen to the everyday conversations of people and to pay attention to the views, complains, frustrations, hopes, ideals, dreams, aspirations and demands embedded in these conversations and inform yourself about the language, traditions, ways, and processes of the people in collectives within the community. Enlist and recruit the opinions and experiences of the people, learn from them, and locate yourself as a part and parcel of the community. This allows you to get into the conscientization level whereby you throw in the conversations certain problem-posing questions and prompts that help to steer the conversations and engagements in the direction of critical reflections and search for solution to take the social discourse within the community beyond complains into the realm of scientific enquiry and exploration.

 The third level, consolidation, entails establishing links and synergy between the works and discussions, explorations and experiments of different stakeholders and social actors in the Black Community and even building cautious and critical links with likeminded people outside of the Black Community who are interested in radical change, building practical coalitions, partnerships, collaborations, and platforms for collective action within the Black Community. The aim of this initiative is organization, mobilization, and movement-building, building Black Solidarity ad gathering resources and strategies for radical social action for social transformation. This then take us to the fourth level, Confront. This is unleashing the forces of Black Solidarity, Black Resistance, Black Creativity, Black Excellence and Black Rage, confronting the challenges, challenging the structures of racism, capital, and patriarchy in all terrains of struggle. (Bofelo, 8018)

The BCM approach to revolutionary action can be outlined as follows:

• Community organizing aimed at building unity and solidarity within the community and at empowering people to work together to solve problems and reach shared goals, claim their rights, win collective political power, and create positive change.
• Organizing aimed at establishing organs of Black Power.
• Mobilizing   people around specific issues, demands, campaigns and struggles.
• Rousing and engaging people in acts of resistance
• Utilising political education, revolutionary vigilance and bonds of solidarity to close ranks within the Black Community and forces of Black Power.
• Exposing and isolating the quislings and building counterattack against the ploys of the system to block and derail the struggle.
• Defending the gains made in the struggle and strike more blows for Black Power. (Bofelo, 2018)

In the current context, this should include using community media, community theatre, and social media as tools for building organic intellectual work and revolutionary activism. Local Radio and TV Stations can broadcast educational programs, interviews, and discussions that raise awareness about social issues and promote critical thinking. We should take advantage of Community Newspapers and Magazines to publishing articles, opinion pieces, and investigative reports can inform and engage the community on important topics.  

Offering media literacy workshops can empower community members to create their own content and share their perspectives, and critically interrogate the information they receive from the media and officialdom.   We must use theatre to dramatize social issues, making them more relatable and emotionally impactful, and to inspire action and foster a sense of solidarity.  We could also use interactive, dialogical plays to   engaging the audience in discussions or participatory performances that deepen their understanding and commitment to social causes. It is also important to have collaborative arts and theatre projects where local artists, activists and community members create productions that reflect community struggles and aspirations.  One cannot overemphasise the importance of using platforms like Twitter, Facebook, TikTok, X, and Instagram to spread information, share stories, and mobilize support for causes.

This goes together with creating groups or pages where people can discuss issues, share resources, and organize events, and hosting live discussions, Q&A sessions, and educational webinars to engage a broader audience. Ways of integrating community media, community theatre and social media could include:

• Using social media to promote community theatre events and media broadcasts, ensuring a wider reach.
• Combining articles, videos, and performances into comprehensive campaigns that utilize all available platforms.
• Encouraging community members to participate in all aspects, from content creation to performance and discussion, fostering a sense of ownership and empowerment.

By leveraging these platforms, we can create a dynamic and inclusive space for intellectual growth and revolutionary activism, empowering communities to drive change from within. We should also focus our energies on using public spaces and local institutions, and local intellectual and human resources to   establish Community Research, Resource and Advice Centres in our communities and resuscitate popular education, inclusive of civic, political and worker education.   A critical element of such a program must be enlisting Participatory Action Research (PAR) to involve community members as co-researchers, ensuring that the research addresses their needs and priorities.  The revolutionary value of PAR is that it empowers communities by valuing their knowledge and experiences (Boyd, 2014).  Importantly, Community research can gather valuable data on local issues, which can be used to inform activism and policy changes. This data can highlight systemic problems and provide evidence for advocacy.

To ensure that the knowledge generated is utilised by the community and for the benefit of the community the findings of the research should be shared with the community in accessible formats, such as reports, workshops, and public meetings (Boyd, 2014)

Resource centres can serve as information hubs, providing access to books, articles, and other materials on social justice, activism, and community organizing. These centres can offer training sessions on various skills, such as media literacy, public speaking, and organizing tactics, which are essential for effective activism.  Resource centres can facilitate connections between activists, researchers, and community members, fostering collaboration and solidarity. Advice centres can provide legal advice and social support to community members facing issues such as discrimination, eviction, or unemployment. This support can empower individuals to stand up for their rights.

These centres can assist with planning and executing advocacy campaigns, offering strategic advice and resources to ensure their success.  Providing counselling and mentorship can help activists deal with burnout and maintain their commitment to the cause.  We must encourage collaboration between researchers, resource centres, and advice centres to create comprehensive projects that address multiple aspects of community needs. For this integration to succeed we must involve community members in all stages of research and activism, from identifying issues to implementing solutions. This ensures that the work is grounded in the community’s reality and needs. Imortantly, we must focus on building sustainable practices that can continue to support the community in the long term, beyond individual projects or campaigns.

Another way of embedding organic intellectual work and revolutionary activism is for professionals, cultural workers, creatives, sports persons- everybody- to respond to what writer, scholar and activist, Molaodi wa Sekake refers to as the call to take political responsibility. In the way used by Sekake “taking political responsibility” simply refers to engaging in activities, within your everyday life, line- of-work, and area of interest or expertise, that unmask the structures of power and provide the people with the analytic tools and understanding of power and social relations to capacitate people to be responsible for their own liberation. One cannot overstate the importance of encouraging creativity, innovation and imagination and of building platforms and practices that unearth, harness and unleash creativity, innovation and imagination. We cannot achieve this through the culture of regurgitating old practices and rehashing new songs. One must emphasise the need for each generation to fashion songs and dances that capture the realities, arguments and spirit of the time they live in or to adapt yesterday’s freedom songs and redemption songs to   current realities.

The songs sung by our\my generation poignantly illustrated the realities of living under an apartheid-capitalism[4][5] within the confines of a spatial racism that is rooted settler-colonialism[6] These songs succinctly pointed out the symbols of apartheid as the prisons that held black people in captivity and Pretoria as the place that is the epicentre of the execution of the policies of apartheid-capitalism and invited black rage and revolutionary fire upon these places[7] . The songs unambiguously called out those who visited violence on the black body, spelt out what must happen to them[8] and invited the wrath of the Black God, the God of the Oppressed on them – i.e eternal hellfire for the oppressors. [9]The songs articulated an irrepressible commitment to fight for freedom and the fact that we are not alone in the decolonial and anti-imperialist struggle, but we are together in the trenches with others from the global south who are fighting the same fight.[10]  Importantly, the songs loudly declared that at the end of it all, we shall triumph and overcome because we are guided by the spirit of our martyred ancestors.[11] We leave you with this question: What songs does this current generation fashion? What songs shall the next generation sing?

REFERENCES

Amner, Rod  (2021)   “Black community programmes: from ideas to action”  Grocott’s Mail October 3, 2021  Available at https://grocotts.ru.ac.za/2021/10/03/black-community-programmes-from-ideas-to-action/ Accessed on 2024\08\26

Benda, Julien (2014\1928) The Treason of the Intellectuals.  New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers

Bofelo Mphutlane wa (2013) Bluesology and Bofelosophy. Johannesburg: Botsotso Publishers

Bofelo Mphutlane wa (2018) “Black body, intellect, and soul are sites of struggle” (Status update) Facebook. (1) BLACK BODY, INTELLECT AND SOUL ARE SITES OF STRUGGLE – search results | Facebook

Burke, B. (1999) “Antonio Gramsci and informal education” Available on the encyclopaedia of informal education, www.infed.org\thinkers\et-gram.htm

Boggs, C. (1976) Gramsci’s Marxism. London: Pluto Press

 Chomsky, Noam (1967). “The Responsibility of Intellectuals”.The New York Review of Books. 8 (3)

Furedi, Frank (2004) Where Have All The Intellectuals Gone? Continuum

Gramsci, Antonio (1971). Selections from the Prison Notebooks. London: Lawrence and Wishart

Rigney, Daniel (1991) “Three Kinds of Anti-Intellectualism: Rethinking Hofstadter” Social Inquiry Volume 61 Issue 4 October 1991. 534- 451

Hofstadter, Richard. 1963. Anti-intellectualism in American Life. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Said, Edward. W (1994) Representations of the intellectual: the 1993 Reith lectures

Woods. Donald (1978) Biko-The true story of the young South African martyr and his struggle to raise Black Consciousness. New York: Henry Holt and Company. Inc

(Mphutlane wa Bofelo is a political theorist who focuses on the interface of governance, politics and development. He is also a poet, essayist and playwright whose creative writing fuses personal, political and spiritual themes)

[1] Earlier proponents of the Black Consciousness, Pan Africanism, Negritude, Black Nationalism, Black Power and African Humanism and other philosophical and political traditions whose influences are apparent in the exposition of Black Consciousness by Biko and the BCM constituted themselves into movements or organised formations or supported or worked within various organizations and movements.  Martin De Larney, the 20th-century African American activist and scholar known for his critique of white paternalism, opposition of the condescending attitudes of white reformers and advocacy for genuine self-determination for Black community (major themes in the BCM) was involved in various organizations aimed at advancing African American rights and challenging systemic racism.  WEB Du Bois – who declared the Black people are faced with the philosophical problem of being portrayed as a problem when they are  a people at the receiving end of the problem of anti-black racism, and who coined the concepts Two-ness and Double Consciousness (themes implicit in the language and practice of the BCM  operated with movements (i.e Niagara movement, National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People ) and also attended the Pan Africanist Congresses.  Aime Cessaire and Leopold Senghor whom Biko reference in one way or another were key figures in the Negritude Movement. Frantz Fanon supported the Algerian War against French colonialism and was a member of the Algerian Liberation Front.  Kenneth Kaunda and Julious Nyerere whose African Humanism and African Socialism had an impact of BC exponents in South Africa\Azania led political parties that eventually took political power in their respective countries. Kwame Nkrumah and Mangaliso Robert Sobukwe, whose Pan Africanism also resonated with Biko and the BCM also founded and led political parties – Convention People’s Party, and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. Malcolm X: He was a prominent figure in the Nation of Islam (NOI), where he rose to national prominence advocating for Black self-reliance and separation from white society.  After leaving the NOI in 1964, Malcom X, founded the Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU), which aimed to unite all people of African descent for Black liberation. Kwame Ture- formerly Stockley Carmichael) was initially a leader in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), where he popularized the term “Black Power”, he became the “Honorary Prime Minister” of the Black Panther Party (BPP), and ultimately co-founded the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party (A-APRP), which focused on Pan-Africanism and the liberation of African people worldwide.

[2] Luxemburg argued that spontaneity and organization are not mutually exclusive but rather interdependent. She believed that spontaneous mass actions, such as strikes and protests, are crucial for revolutionary movements. These spontaneous actions arise from the immediate needs and conditions of the working class and can ignite broader revolutionary consciousness. However, Luxemburg also emphasized the importance of organization. She argued that while spontaneity initiates action, a well-organized party is necessary to sustain and direct the movement towards achieving its goals. The party should not stifle spontaneous actions but rather support and guide them, ensuring that the energy of the masses is channelled effectively. In her famous work “Reform or Revolution,” Luxemburg critiqued the idea that social reforms alone could lead to socialism. She argued that reforms are necessary and beneficial in improving the immediate conditions of the working class, but they are insufficient for achieving the ultimate goal of socialism. Luxemburg saw revolution as essential for a fundamental transformation of society. She believed that reforms and revolution are dialectically linked: reforms can help build the strength and consciousness of the working class, preparing them for the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism. However, without the revolutionary aim, reforms risk becoming mere adjustments within the capitalist system, ultimately preserving it rather than dismantling it.

[3] Institutionalized politics refers to political practices and structures that are embedded within formal institutions such as governments, political parties, and legal systems. These practices are typically established through laws, regulations, and procedures that govern political behaviour and decision-making. It includes the routine operations of political entities, such as election processes, legislative procedures, and policy implementation, which are designed to maintain stability, order, and continuity within a political system. Institutionalized politics often shapes how power is distributed, how policies are formulated, and how political conflicts are resolved.

[4] Sekake made this point at the launch of the writer’s book and has repeatedly used this idea of taking political responsibility in his various writings and talks.

[5] Goromente siyezeni, Goromente Siyenzeni, wasiqoqela ndawonye, Goromente siyenzeni, wa siqoqela ndawonye, Goromente Siyenzeni

[6] Bashiye Holland , lamabhunu athath’umhlaba wethu\ uwabo baushiyenobani

[7] “Sitholile i-letter evela kuMangena kanye NoMotsawu bathi sidubule \ Guerrilla dubula,  siyoqumis’ibomb, phezukweJohnVoster”……Siyaya e Pitoli, Siyaya siyoyinyova 

[8] LeGrange le Malan, ba bolaile MaAzania, ba tshwanetswe ke ho bolawa 

[9] Vorster shall never go to heaven

[10] Thina Maguerrila, abalweli belizwe \ siyoyilwela Inkululeko \ sizobiya sithi: Ortega, Nicaragua, Gaddafi, Libya, Mangena, Azania, siyoyilwela Inkululeko

[11] Siyobe siphumelele kulomzabalazo \ Ngoba sinanoBiko, sinanoTiro , sinanoMuntu kulomzabalazo